Keywords: Large-scale smog pollution, state supervisory commission, after-school tutoring at young age in China, Hong Kong branch of Beijing’s Palace Museum.

CHINA – ENVIRONMENT

Large-scale smog pollution around the New Year eve in China

Since the end of December 2016, the northern part of China suffered from large-scale smog pollution. The extent of the smog pollution was huge and it has affected a number of northeastern and central provinces in China, spreading to the southern provinces early this year. A number of flights at airports of major cities were cancelled and the highways between Beijing, Tianjin and Shanghai were forced to to temporary closure. The National Meteorological Center of China Meteorological Administration issued the Red Alert on 03 January 2017, which was the first time in history. The Red Alert will be issued if there are more than 3 provinces with strong smog and the situation is likely to persist. School classes were suspended in light of the severe smog pollution. The large-scale smog has lasted for over than a week. Compared to last year, the air-borne pollutants in Beijing have decreased in concentration, but yet to be close to the reduction goal set for 2017.

• //此次華北、華中地區「跨年霧霾」持續了將近十天，期間大批航班被取消，途經北京的京津、京滬等多條高速公路也被迫封閉。1月6日，中國環保部部長陳吉寧就近期大面積霧霾召開新聞發布會，在會上承認近幾年冬季污染的問題確實沒有很好解決，並稱自己作為環保部長感到內疚和自責。// Source: The Initium, 09 January 2017.

• //中國大陸北方自去年12月29日開始的今冬第三輪大面積霧霾遲遲沒有散去，中國中央氣象台於1月3日將大霧預警提升至最高等級紅色，並繼續發布霾橙色預警。這也是中國官方首次發布大霧紅色預警。[…] 中央氣象台預計至5日早上8時，北京、天津及河北中南部、河南中東部、山東大部、安徽北部、江蘇大部、山西西南部等地有大霧，其中多地有「能見度低於200米的濃霧」，部分地區有「能見度低於50米的特強濃霧」根據中國於2014年修訂的大霧預警標準，大霧預警分黃色、橙色、紅色三級，其中最高的「紅色預警」發布標準為：預計未來24小時內3個及以上省（包括自治區、直轄市）的部分地區出現能見度不足200米的強濃霧，且有成片（5個觀測站及以上）的能見度小於50米的特強濃霧；或者已經出現並可能持續。新京報引述中國天氣網首席專家李小泉解釋稱，冬季全國整體氣温低、水汽容易達到飽和，是形成大霧天氣的主要氣象條件。[…] 本次「跨年霧霾」仍未散去，北京市環保局於1月3日發布2016年北京空氣質素報告稱，與2015年相比，北京去年「各項污染物同比均有改善」，SO2、NO2、PM10、5年均濃度分別同比下降28.6%、4.0%、9.8%、9.9%。其中最讓人關注的 PM2.5年均濃度為73微克/立方米，比官方設定的2017年底降為60微克/立方米的目標仍有較大距離，治霾任務艱巨。// Source: The Initium, 04 January 2017.

In response to the smog, the Beijing government intended to put “toxic smog” on the list of climate disaster. Such action initiated a discussion on whether it is scientific to do so.

• //中國首都北京正處於今年入冬以來最嚴重的一場持續霧霾之中。但北京人大常委會本月發佈的《北京市氣象災害防治條例（草案修改二稿）》卻引發一場爭議。根據這一草案，北京立法機構擬將霾列為屬於自然災害範疇的 »氣象災害 »。[…] 該條款稱， »本條例適用於本市行政區域內氣象災害的預防、應急處置和治理等活動……本條例所稱氣象災害，是指暴雨、暴雪、寒潮、大風、沙塵暴、低溫、高溫、乾旱、雷電、冰雹、霜凍、大霧和霾等所造成的災害。 » 根據中國《法制日報》的報道，中國法律界、科學界人士已對此立法表達了明確反對意見。大多反對人士認為，霾和其它所列氣象災害不同，屬於人禍而不是天災。// Source: BBC News, 21 December 2016.

• //中国环境科学研究院研究员柴发合表示，我国《气象法》中对“气象灾害”的定义中并未包括“霾”。资深环境法专家吕忠梅也认为，如果将以气象变化方式表现的污染——“霾”定义为气象灾害，那么大气污染的其他形式如酸雨、光化学烟雾等，是否都要定义为气象灾害？“如果这样，几乎所有的环境污染都可以纳入‘自然灾害’的范畴。”吕忠梅表示，这十分荒唐。[…] 国家城市环境污染控制技术研究中心研究员彭应登认为，根据成因与时空分布特征，霾可以分为三大类。第一类是由极端气象条件引发的跨地区、时段性的区域尘霾；第二类是由极端气象条件引发的跨地区、时段性的区域雾霾；第三类是由不利气象条件和人为污染引发的局地性、时段性的城市灰霾。彭应登表示，这三类霾的发生机理有比较大的区别。第一类的尘霾和第二类的雾霾可视为一种自然灾害或准自然灾害，是大自然自身运动导致的一种气象灾害，即使在没有人类活动的地方也会发生，人类对此类天气较难干预。第三类的城市灰霾主要是人为污染造成的，需通过改变人类活动例如减少污染物排放等措施才可以减轻或消除。// Source: New Beijing News, 08 January 2017.

Since early January this year, one article on the knowledge-exchange platform Zhihu widely circulated online noted an incident of a school in Xi’ an province which defied the ban on class suspension under the severe smog situation. The incident was reported by a student of that school but the whistle blower was later found out and criticized by the school management. It raised a discussion on the effectiveness of the supposedly anonymous reporting mechanism and the reason for the urge of the school to have classes under a situation unfavorable to health.

• //由于雾霾严重，西安市启动重污染天气Ⅰ级应急响应，１月３日西安市内所有中小学、职业中学、幼儿园停课。随着天气转好，执行此措施的学校于１月６日全面复课。记者９日来到涉事学校，一位张姓副校长告诉记者，高三年级面临高考，停课期间，家长纷纷打电话表示孩子在家学习无法保证效果。从１月４日起，陆 续有学生主动到校，请任课老师进行辅导答疑，不存在“违规补课”情况，并且也于５日上午在辖区教育局的监管下立即停止了该行为。针对“网传的两个电话号码”，张副校长告诉记者，４日上午，教务处工作人员确实接到电话，对方称有学生举报学校违规上课，并提供了两个手机号码。随后，教务处工作人员未能从班级群里调查到举报人身份，后通过附近一家话费缴存处得到举报人信息，其中一位为该学校学生。张副校长坦承，学校“查询学生信息”的出发点在于敦促学生认真学习，并未有其他动机。“但事后想来，我们做法确实欠妥，接受公众监督和批评。”张副校长说。针对网帖中所指出的“休学、劝退”等行为，记者随后采访到两名涉事学生。一名学生告诉记者：“老师只是对我进行了批评教育，网上说法并不准确。”另一名学生也表示，他并未被停课或者退学。// Source: Xinhua, 10 January 2017.

Prof. Zheng Xinye (郑新业) from National Academy of Development and Strategy of Renmin University of China analyzed that the recent smog pollution was caused by 1) the energy structure of China, 2) the seasonal factor where heat supply is needed in winter, 3) the increase in industrial activities with high consumption, and 4) wind speed. He regarded the first two as fundamental to the problem. He proposed to solve the problem with three measures: 1) managing the need for energy in a medium-long range, 2) reducing reliance on fossil fuel (especially coal) for energy and moving towards to clean energy, and 3) increasing the strength of supervision to ensure policy implementation. In December 2016, China Dialogue together with Energy Foundation China has published a report on the current circumstances and future directions of China’s fossil fuel subsidies. The report is available here.

• //那么，宏观经济应如何调整以利于治霾？煤在我国能源结构中为何总保持在70%？有无可替代的新能源？就上述问题，新京报记者采访了国家发展战略研究院能源中心主任、中国人民大学经济学院副院长郑新业。[…] 新京报：你觉得近期京津冀的持续雾霾是什么原因造成的？郑新业：我认为主要包括四方面因素，第一是能源结构，这个很重要，第二是季节性因素，冬季供暖增加，前两个是主要原因；第三个高耗能产业在去年出现反弹，第四是与风速有关。后两者属于偶发性因素。我们的能源问题有两个，第一是我们能源消耗增长太快了，已经成为世界第一大能源消耗国了；第二个，我们国家的能源禀赋是以煤为主，但是我们的参照系却是国际，可是我们国家无论是上世纪70年代的5亿吨标煤，还是现在40亿吨标煤，煤在我们的能源结构中总是在70%左右，一个东西如果总是在70%左右，可以预见未来是很难改的。[…] 新京报：按照你的分析，我们治理雾霾应该如何着手？郑新业：总共有三件事情。第一，中长期要从能源需求方面控制。比如高耗能产业要不要发展？比如铝的生产，一家企业的耗电量一年下来超过好多省的耗电量。[…] 第二，改善能源结构，我们需要以非化石能源替代化石能源。[…] 第三，就化石能源方面，想要脱硫脱硝，政府就要加强监管核查。为什么我们有标准但是不见效呢？一个重要原因是没有核查。[…] 从企业方面看，能源行业中大部分是超级国有企业。这里要强调，国企的经济利益应该是摆在第二位的。我们也要求国资委对这些企业不仅仅考核经济指标，还要考核环境指标，比如环保不达标，一票否决制考核。监管者、央企的党组，以及背后的国资委，三管齐下，化石能源的供应就能极大缓解。除了经济效益方面，也需要要求国企的社会责任，环境保护责任。// Source: The Beijing News, 09 January 2017.

Nie Riming (聂日明) from Shanghai Institute for Finance and Law argued that managing smog pollution requires more than a short-term policy. The government should 1) encourage the build-up of “infrastructure” for greater participation of the public (e.g. more transparency in information dissemination, research-based knowledge, etc.), 2) to balance the interests involved, and 3) to enhance the capacity of supervision over heavy-polluting industries.

• //治理雾霾不仅仅是政府的责任，还需要全社会的参与。[…] 要完成治霾，靠的不是政府的规章制度，需要有更多的公众参与。问题是，公众为什么要参与？这要求雾霾治理的首要前提是让公众了解真相、让公众参与讨论。这要求更多的事实呈现，政府应该公开信息（环保、健康等数据），让科学家介入、研究，分析雾霾的成因以及治霾的推荐方案。只有竞争性的学术研究形成的共识才具有更高的公信力，易于让公众接受，公众才会支持治霾，哪怕这会改变他们的生活习惯。公众的支持也有助于支持政府对既得利益群体施压。良好的公共传播也是必须的，这要强化媒体和NGO对公共事务的参与程度。[…] 政府的监管能力也制约了环保治理。河北的钢铁业不可谓不集聚，石油公司也呈现高度垄断，非小、散、乱局面那么难管，但河北钢铁业在雾霾减排上做的并不够，燃煤不经过洗煤过程就直接燃烧，是污染物过多的重要原因。对此，监管机构要负很大的责任。柴静在《穹顶之下》里还指出，目前中国的污染企业无法取缔、以罚代管，尾气超标车辆无法召回，油品标准制定由石油企业主导（而非独立的监管机构）、油品质量监管缺失，这些问题反映的都是政府监管能力的落后。如果政府没有能力监管、管理石油企业、钢铁企业，治霾也无从谈起。// Source: Financial Times, 05 January 2017.

Keith Bradsher from New York Times in November 2016 reported that the increase in the demand for coal due to greater number of housing construction works and the increase in coal price due to the unstable supply last year re-activated the coal-mining activities in China and thus worsened the efforts made by the Chinese government to curb air pollution as well as climate change.

• //An unusually hot summer and early autumn added to power demand. China’s banking regulators decided to let banks release a flood of mortgages to home buyers to bolster economic growth. That produced strong demand for electricity from the steel and cement industries. Along the way, China had a run of bad luck. Flooding disrupted mines and rail routes last spring. A government decision to withdraw many trains from service this year for a new safety improvement campaign made it difficult to deliver supplies quickly. As a result, Chinese coal prices almost doubled from the start of this year until early November. […] In recent weeks, China changed course. It halted most coal trading on commodities markets and encouraged state-owned mines to sign long-term contracts at low prices with power stations. This month, the National Development and Reform Commission raised the number of days that mines could operate to 330 days per year.// Source: New York Times, 29 November 2016.

CHINA – SOCIETY

After-school tutorial class becomes a heat among parents in China

The cancellation of examination for the primary-school students to enter secondary school two years ago was intended to relieve the learning pressure on students. Every student can now be guaranteed a placement in a secondary school. However, Southern Weekly in December reported that the workload of the students has not vanished but actually increased because parents would like to make sure their children could go to the school of better quality. Despite the no-examination requirement, secondary schools still use a number of informal measures to admit students of high calibre as far as they are allowed. Observers argued that those schools show great concern over this part of admission since they want to keep up their respective university admission rates. A number of after-school tutoring agencies are established to offer advanced courses for children in the name of “nurturing talents” (培优). One of the popular agencies is named Xueersi (学而思), which recruits students on a meritocratic basis, and provides an impression that it has good connections with good secondary schools which could allow a better chance for enrolled children to enter those schools. Tutoring agencies thus offer courses to train up children to fare well in some open qualification exams such as Olympics Mathematics Competition as a way to demonstrate the children’s capability. However, it has led to the children’s intensive working on mock questions and over-burdening of children. The rise of tutoring agencies and the craze of parents for them are altogether dubbed by the media as “Xueersi phenomenon”.

• //当时，一种说法在左邻右里中广为流传：参加某些课外培训机构补习为孩子在升学时“多一点门道”——只要孩子在机构组织的考试中名列前茅，就有机会被名校看中，并提前招走。[…] 这种优越感确有来由，“有钱都不一定能上”正是学而思等教育机构制定的招生规则。[…] 入学测试考分决定分班。以数学为例，学而思将学生按成绩分为基础、提高、尖子和超常四档。与以往课外培训机构一个班动辄百人的“大架势”不同，“宁缺毋滥”是这里的选拔原则，广州学而思奥数教研组的一名老师告诉南方周末记者，“超常班的教学内容难度大，一般孩子够不着。”[…] 原来，联盟被取消后，各校原本“联合”的招生考试转为各校自主进行。没有了统考，清晰可预见且稳定的竞争标准没了，升学竞争进入了无序的漩涡。“学校组织的考试成绩根本没有参考依据，人人都是九十分以上，看得出什么差别？”李大海无奈地说。不能公开举行考试，一些学校只能通过隐蔽的、非官方的渠道发布招生和面试信息：有的半夜发放面试单，得到消息的家长需要熬夜排队领取；有的跟培训机构合作，组织“密考”——这在小学毕业班家长圈内几乎早已是公开的秘密。一位不愿透露姓名的学而思学员家长透露，在学员家长中流传着一种说法：学而思六年级秋季班和春季班的两次期中测试结果，直接关系到孩子能否提前入围民校的密招考试。“如果这两场考试拿下，机构会向学校推荐，那进入密考的几率就很大了。”“这些中学这么做，无非是要争取好生源，而培训机构开门做生意，有好的中学和他们合作，何乐而不为？”夹缝中的家长只能努力伸长触角，到处打探消息，在了解目标中学入学的难度后提前几年进行语数外各方面的规划和校外培训。// Source: Southern Weekly, 01 December 2016.

• //的确，应试教育有四大特征：一是题型套路严格固定，导致“只认衣服（题型）不认人（教学内容）”的情形出现，“认衣服”多省心！尽管现实生活常换“衣服”；二是要考的知识必须划定范围并提前明确告知，考题超纲就是“大逆不道”，且学科之间知识不能综合，所以“文综”“理综”无可奈何，“名”不正了十几年，明明是“合卷”嘛；三是将应试技巧视为“能力”，并形成貌似联系社会实则封闭的游戏套路；四是教育目标只有考名校。显然，无数红火的培训机构，包括不少公办名校，都在教学生“认衣服”上做足文章。尤其学而思，成在教学，饱受诟病也在教学，焦点集中在：一是教材难度大，无视教育规律，小学就“把奥数内容编入教材”；二是课堂过分迎合应试口味，不仅提前讲授，密度偏大，而且教学方式直奔应试技巧，被戏称为“解题机器”，以至陪听的家长“很生气”，最起码的“知其所以然”哪里去了？三是教学效果被严重质疑，认为难以培养应有的实用能力，违反科学与人性，甚至有“扼杀学生想象力及创造力”，乃至“是否会害了一代人”的质问。// Source: Southern Weekly, 01 December 2016.

• //这其实是一种两难的尴尬。不少家长知道题海战术、过度培优违背教育规律、加重孩子负担。但是，因为奥数高分是进入名校的“撒手锏”，很多名校尤其是民办学校仍将其当作重要的录取和选拔标准。家长又不得不在“小升初”前夕，让孩子参加奥数班、兴趣班等。对这一评价标准的迎合，让教育本质——激励、唤醒和鼓舞成为纸上谈兵。在这种大背景下，就算教育部门出台再多的“减负令”，也将在家长的用脚投票中被消解甚至抵制。遏制奥数过热，需要教育部门的整改和舆论的监督，更需要多元评价制度的落实。// Source: Guangming Daily, 14 December 2016.

CHINA – POLITICS

New missions for Central Commission for Discipline and Inspection and the establishment of “State Supervisory Commission”

A meeting of the Central Commission for Discipline and Inspection (CCDI) was finished on 08 January 2017. It revealed that the paramount mission for the CCDI is to make sure the changing personnel is free of corruption in the run-up to the 19^th CCP’s National Party Congress, among other important messages noted below.

• //十八届中央纪委七次全会8日在京闭幕，全会审议通过了《中国共产党纪律检查机关监督执纪工作规则（试行）》。全会一致认为，制定监督执纪工作规则，是纪检机关贯彻党的十八届六中全会精神，落实全面从严治党部署，带头强化自我约束，把监督执纪权力关进制度笼子，做到正人先正己的实际行动，充分表明了严格自律的担当和决心。[…] 公报列出了今年七大任务，排在第一位的是“严肃党内政治生活，强化党内监督，严明换届纪律”。这意味着，“严明换届纪律”是今年各级纪委的头等大事。“严明换届纪律”是中央领导三令五申的重点要求。一年前，在中纪委六次全会上，习近平指出：衡阳破坏选举案与南充拉票贿选案性质极为恶劣，是对我们党和社会主义民主制度的挑战。今年，地方领导班子开始换届，要严肃政治纪律和组织纪律，做好问责工作，加大监督和查处力度，确保换届风清气正。[…] “筹备组建国家监察委员会”已被列为今年的第四大重点任务。公报显示，在党中央领导下，由中纪委抓总，落实改革方案，推动制定国家监察法，筹建国家监察委员会。此前，北京、山西、浙江三地被列为国家监察体制改革试点，公报明确了三地的改革“路线图”：整合行政监察、预防腐败和检察机关查处贪污贿赂、失职渎职以及预防职务犯罪等工作力量，成立省市县三级监察委员会。// Source: The Beijing News, 09 January 2016.

In the meeting it also endorsed a set of standards for members of CCDI to follow when making investigations. The idea is to make clear what is expected from those who are tasked to fight against corruption and to prevent what is called “darkness under the lantern” (灯下黑). In the new series of anti-corruption television programme “Ironing requires self-strength” (打铁还需自身硬) rolled out before the meeting, former CCDI members who were involved with corruption are highlighted.

• //全会审议通过的《中国共产党纪律检查机关监督执纪工作规则（试行）》，紧扣监督执纪工作流程，明确请示报告、线索处置、初步核实、立案审查、案件审理、涉案款物管理等工作规程；规定谈话函询的工作程序，执纪审查的审批权限，调查谈话和证据收集的具体要求；提炼有效管用实招，上升为制度规范，把纪委的自我监督同接受党内监督、社会监督等有机结合，确保党和人民赋予的权力不被滥用。全会指出，中央纪委要带头执行规则，加强对监督执纪工作的领导、管理和监督，各级纪委要切实履行自身建设主体责任，严肃处理执纪违纪、失职失责行为。// Source: Xinhua, 08 January 2017.

• //在中央推動「全面從嚴治黨」的同時，如何監督紀檢機關權力成為外界關注焦點。中紀委書記王岐山就曾多次強調「信任不能代替監督」，要把監督執紀權力「關進制度籠子」；而在全會召開前，央視自1月3日起連續三晚播放專題片《打鐵還需自身硬》，講述紀檢如何「清理門戶」，加強自身建設，則明顯是為這次全會監督紀檢機關的主題做宣傳鋪墊。這次中紀委全會通過的《中國共產黨紀律檢查機關監督執紀工作規則（試行）》，正是對「誰來監督紀委」作出回應，向全社會公佈並昭示執紀者有更為嚴格的紀律要求，表明監督者必須接受監督。// Source: Hong Kong 01, 09 January 2017.

Also, it is announced that a new state supervisory system called “State Supervisory Commission” (国家监察委员会) will be established, which centralizes the roles of many supervisory departments that exist in the current governmental structure in one oversight body. The new supervisory system will comprise four tiers, from national, provincial, city to county. The new function of the supervisory system is to target not only at party members, but also government officials, executives for state-owned enterprises, members of All-China Federation of Industries and Commerce, and other officials with public power.

• //Officials say the “national supervisory commission” will target graft and dereliction of duty from lowly functionaries to top government figures, with powers to interrogate and detain suspects, freeze assets and, in some cases, render punishment. The commission, which is undergoing regional trials ahead of a nationwide rollout next year, aims to merge the roles of several government supervisory departments and prosecutorial offices, centralizing oversight of China’s vast bureaucracy. On paper, the watchdog will answer directly to a rubber-stamp parliament. But in practice, officials say, the commission will share personnel and responsibilities with a powerful disciplinary agency that answers to Mr. Xi’s 89-million strong Communist Party. “To use a Chinese saying, it’s ‘one group of personnel, two plaques,’” Xiao Pei, vice minister at China’s Ministry of Supervision, said Monday at a news briefing. “Our aim in deepening reforms of the national supervisory system is to strengthen the party’s centralized and unified leadership over anticorruption efforts.”// Source: The Wall Street Journal, 10 January 2017.

• //Xiao Pei, vice minister of supervision, made the comments at a press conference after a plenary session of the CCDI concluded on Sunday, explaining the two bodies will share institution and staff. The Ministry of Supervision also currently shares responsibility and organization with the CCDI. The country’s supervisory system will be put into four tiers: national, provincial, city and county, Xiao said, noting that it is a major political system reform. […] Xiao said the new commissions are powerful anti-graft bodies, which will supervise not only functionaries in Party organs and legislative, administrative and judicial bodies, but also members in non-Communist parties and the All-China Federation of Industry and Commerce. In addition, the commissions will supervise executives in state-owned enterprises and government-sponsored institutions as well as those in mass organizations.// Source: China Daily, 09 January 2017.

The newly established national commission will share the same group of personnel with the party members of the CCDI, as usually dubbed as “one organization, two plaques”. The new commission will not be independent of the CCP’s control in its anti-corruption campaign. The deputy secretary of CCDI Wu Yuliang explicitly dismissed the concept of “separation of powers” in the new establishment when asked by a reporter.

• //中央紀委副書記吳玉良今日下午在國務院新聞辦公室就中國有沒有計劃建立一個不向黨匯報的、完全獨立的反腐敗系統應詢記者提問。他表示，深化國家監察體制改革的目的，是為了加強黨對反腐敗工作的統一領導。不存在不接受黨的領導的，所謂的“獨立”的監督機構。中國不能削足適履地仿照國外制度。吳玉良表示，這個問題的複雜在於，它和我們的國情、黨情是相關的。中國共產黨的領導是中國特色社會主義最本質的特征和最大的優勢，做好中國的事情關鍵在黨，這是我們13億中國人民的共識，也是我們全黨的共識。無論是黨內監督還是國家監察，都是在黨中央統一領導下進行的。前不久頒布的黨內監督條例第10條就規定了：“黨的中央委員會、中央政治局、中央政治局常務委員會全面領導黨內監督工作。”同樣，深化國家監察體制改革的目的，是為了加強黨對反腐敗工作的統一領導。構建一個集中統一、權威高效的國家監察體制，實現對所有行使公權力的公職人員監察全覆蓋。所以不存在不接受黨的領導的，所謂的“獨立”的監督機構。// Source: CRNTT, 09 January 2017.

HONG KONG – POLITICS

The controversy over the new branch of Beijing Palace Museum in Hong Kong’s West Kowloon Cultural District

The Chief Secretary for Administration Carrie Lam announced on 23 December 2016 that Hong Kong would build a branch of the Beijing’s Palace Museum in the West Kowloon Cultural District (WKCD) to mark the 20^th anniversary of establishment of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. The project was kept under confidentiality and not known to the public until late December, and the funding of 3.5 billion HKD for the project would not need the approval of the Legislative Council as it would be provided by the long-established Jockey Club which enjoys monopoly in legal betting in Hong Kong and members are of higher social strata. The reception of the project was mixed. Controversies arise over the potential loss of Hong Kong’s autonomy, the need for the secrecy, the lack of public consultation prior to the deal, etc. Supporters argue the project would enhance the city’s status as an international city. The development of WKCD has been controversial for years. The recent incident was that the CEO of WKCD Authority Michael Lynch resigned for personal reasons August 2015 (relevant report here). A former civil servant Duncan Pescod was later appointed as the new CEO. His relative inexperience in arts surprised the cultural sector in Hong Kong (relevant report here).

• //In a cultural coup for Hong Kong, the city on Friday signed a HK$3.5 billion deal with Beijing to create a replica of the capital’s celebrated Palace Museum at the West Kowloon Cultural District. The project, funded by the Jockey Club, is a highlight of next year’s events to mark the 20th anniversary of Hong Kong’s return to Chinese rule and the culmination of close collaboration following an agreement in 2012 between the city and the Palace Museum. […] “The future exhibits will be loaned to us by the Palace Museum on a long-term basis, which would have been impossible within the existing state policy on the export of artefacts,” she said. According to a government source, the present policy limits the number of exhibits on loan to 120 items per tour for a maximum period of three months, but the future museum will feature over 1,000 items on display for up to three years at a time. The source dismissed suggestions that the museum had anything to do with independence sentiments in Hong Kong, saying discussions on the project began last year. A government press release added that “developing a museum with a clear focus on Chinese history, art and culture in Hong Kong is fully in line with the vision of developing Hong Kong into a cultural metropolis”.// Source: SCMP, 23 December 2016.

• //Hong Kong’s No 2 official on Monday dismissed concerns about a lack of transparency over the city’s HK$3.5 billion deal to build its own version of Beijing’s celebrated Palace Museum, saying it would be “embarrassing” if a public consultation threw up opposition to it. Chief Secretary Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor was on the defensive as she announced that she would cut short her Christmas holiday to fly to Beijing for the second time in a week for official meetings on cultural exchanges. But she made clear she would not be meeting Beijing officials to discuss her widely expected bid for Hong Kong’s top job after Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying opted out of seeking a second term. “It is very difficult to conduct a public consultation because it involves the central government and the related ministries,” Lam said. “You can imagine that, if we were to ask the public if they wanted to have more exhibits from the Palace Museum more than half a year earlier, everyone should respond positively.// Source: SCMP, 26 December 2016.

• //The decision to build a $450m [USD] branch of Beijing’s famed Palace Museum in Hong Kong was meant to celebrate this year’s 20th anniversary of the return of the former British colony to Chinese control and boost its struggling tourist industry. // Source: Financial Times, 03 January 2017.

Given the mounted criticisms, the government decided to hold a public consultation related to the project, but the consultation matters are restricted to the design, operation, and exhibition ideas but not whether the project should proceed.

• //而政務司司長辦公室及西九文化區管理局在同日交予立法會的文件顯示，西九管理局將在本月9日起，就相關項目展開為期6週的公眾參與活動，活動會收集公眾和持份者對博物館設計和營運、以及其展覽和教育活動的重點方向的意見。換言之，此次諮詢並非討論建或不建，而是如何建。西九文化區管理局又解釋說，之所以沒有前期的公共諮詢，是因為項目的特殊情況和保密的要求，當局與北京故宮在簽署《合作備忘錄》之前沒有任何基礎進行公眾諮詢。而身兼西九管理局董事局主席的政務司長林鄭月娥，1月6日將向立法會內務委員會解釋整個計劃。// Source: The Initium, 05 January 2017.

Opposition lawmakers and urban planning professionals are concerned whether the deal had followed strictly the procedures. For one thing, critics questioned whether the architect was commissioned to the project without open tendering was appropriate. Also, they criticised the designation of use for the vacant land in the District had no public consultation. Some are also concerned about the non-transparency of the process. Carry Lam’s sudden announcement of the project also raised concerns whether it is related to her indicated interest in joining the competition for the Chief Executive Election in March this year.

• //The dispute over the museum underlines the growing tensions between pro- and anti-Beijing forces in Hong Kong, where the civic freedoms guaranteed by the Chinese government have come under increasing threat. […] James To, an opposition member of the legislature, said the government’s efforts to bypass debate and oversight were “absolutely inappropriate” and would further undermine Hong Kong’s autonomy. […] Camille Lam, a town planner, said the Hong Kong government should consult the public because it is changing the plans for the West Kowloon Cultural District, where the museum will be built in place of a proposed performance venue. She also accused the government of departing from previous practice by appointing an architect for the project without any open design competition. “Government officers will do anything to bypass the statutory process,” said Ms Lam, who is a member of the 1,200-strong committee that will nominate candidates to be Hong Kong’s next leader. “We worry that they’re ruining the culture of good governance in Hong Kong.// Source: Financial Times, 03 January 2017.

• //監察西九文化區計劃推行情況聯合小組委員會副主席陳淑莊說，如有關報導屬實亦對此不感到意外，又指昨日林鄭月娥在立法會會議已承認聘用嚴迅奇「係一個比較特殊的做法」。她擔心除了項目的建築師外，博物館工程的建造商都可能不會經公開招標就決定。// Source: Hong Kong 01, 07 January 2017.

Tim Hamlett, a political commentator from the Hong Kong Free Press, pointed out two issues related to the construction deal that warrant greater attention, 1) the deal was paid by a non-governmental organization the Jockey Club which enjoys the monopoly on horse-racing betting, and 2) the perfect timing of which the space in the West Kowloon Cultural District is available for the Palace Museum Project:

• //What bothers me is the chronology. Early in 2015 the internationally famous museum director who was steering the cultural district project resigned, and was replaced with a retired Hong Kong civil servant. In September of the same year Ms. Lam visited Beijing and toured the Palace there, which is not a replica. The director thereof then asked her if she could arrange a venue in the Cultural District where selected objects from the palace museum might be displayed for the delectation of Hong Kong citizens. […] Saying that “the Jockey Club was requested” is a polite way of putting it. Actually disbursements from the Jockey Club Charities Fund are decided by a joint committee on which the government is represented. This is a useful arrangement for both sides. […] Eddie Chu Hoi-dick, alias the King of Votes, was unkind enough to point out in LegCo that while the Jockey Club was, at least in theory, pondering its response to the funding request, the club was fortunate enough to secure an extension on a racecourse lease and permission to hold more race days than before. Chu has an admirable nose for research. He also noted that the Jockey Club’s Executive Director collected a Gold Bauhinia Star last year. No doubt these happy events had nothing to do with the final decision, officially made last October, that the Jockey Club would pay for the museum. Certainly Ms. Lam seems to have been confident, because having got the money lined up, she proceeded to tackle the problem of a site. The planning of the Cultural District had been going on a long time and there were of course no large spaces left vacant. Happily, though, the flying finger of fate came to the rescue, because in July 2016 the West Kowloon Cultural District Authority, chaired by Carrie Lam, announced that it was abandoning plans to build a mega performance venue in the district, leaving an empty space. […] At this point the smell becomes a problem. Ms. Lam said, and I quote from a boring newspaper which usually supports the government: “any plans on how to replace the mega performance venue and exhibition centre would be decided by the WKCDA and its committees.” This was no doubt an accurate summary of the constitutional position, but hardly of the practical one. It led reporters and their readers to believe, as Ms Lam should have known and presumably intended, that the cancellation of the mega performance venue had been entirely due to problems with the venue idea itself, and that the resultant vacant space would now be the subject of fresh cogitation on what might occupy it instead. […] At this point Ms Lam was six months into her negotiations with the Jockey Club over money. An architect had already been engaged – apparently on the strength of his experience in museum work – and had advised on the potential use of the site. In other words the Palace Museum was virtually a done deal. […] The official version is that the cancellation of the old plan had nothing to do with the upcoming museum one. This is difficult to believe. Did Ms Lam tell her fellow members of the authority, one wonders, that seven months before this matter appeared on their agenda she had been asked by a Beijing bigwig to find space in the cultural district for a museum?// Source: Hong Kong Free Press, 10 January 2017.

Some members of the West Kowloon Cultural District Authority supported the government’s decision and the way of handling the project. One member of the Authority, KAN Tai-Keung, argued that the project is well supported by the public according to the head counts of visitors who went to exhibitions related to the Beijing’s Palace Museum, and the level of secrecy is needed or the project would have been competed for by other cities:

• //身兼西九文化區管理局董事局成員的平面設計師靳埭強認為，現時毋須諮詢公眾應否興建故宮博物館，因為政府已與故官博物院簽定《備忘錄》，政府須有「承擔」落實，「已答應人，問嚟做咩？」；加上項目有「民情基礎」，過去十年康文署與博物院合作舉辦的展覽，曾有78萬人次入場，即使由民間團體Artis Tree 七年前舉辦的故宮展覽，曾吸引15萬人參觀及舉辦7,000次工作坊，足以反映故宮展覽受到市民歡迎 […] 靳埭強又表示，認同政務司司長林鄭月娥與博物院簽定《備忘錄》前要作「高度保密」，否則會引來其它城市如新加坡或華人地方競爭。他認為紐約、倫敦及巴黎等都擁有國際級水平的博物館，惟香港一直缺乏，興建分館正好補足弱點，令城市「升格」，以及帶動旅遊業，「仲好過起迪士尼。」// Source: Hong Kong 01, 07 January 2017.

A member of Executive Council, Bernard Chan, showed support for the Palace Museum Project for values to enhance Hong Kong’s international status:

• //[l]et’s look at it from a different, and positive, angle. Would anyone seriously suggest that we should turn down the opportunity to have part of the Palace Museum’s collection? Obviously not. If Hong Kong wants to be in the same league as New York and London, it needs more than a financial sector, some amazing food and the usual shopping scene. It needs world-class cultural assets, to enrich life for local people and for visitors from overseas. M+, the West Kowloon museum for modern and contemporary visual culture, is already in the pipeline. It will contain the unsurpassed Uli Sigg collection of modern Chinese art and various international exhibits. […] The Hong Kong Palace Museum, with its focus on historic China, will complement it magnificently. It will showcase the Forbidden City and a selection of its treasures. The museum in Beijing displays only around 1 per cent of its 1.8 million items, so the choice is huge. […] There will be plenty of scope for local input as our cultural experts will be able to discuss the selection of artefacts, management of the museum and so on. Artefacts can be rotated, so we will enjoy new exhibits from time to time. As well as the works on loan from Beijing, the museum will also have space to display items from local collections. These facilities will give Hong Kong international-class major museums. They will not cover the same ground as world-famous museums in New York, London or Paris – they will offer things you cannot see in those cities. Duncan Pescod, chief executive officer of the West Kowloon Cultural District Authority, said that other cities would “give their left arms” for the Palace Museum artefacts. We can be pretty sure that Shanghai and Shenzhen are among them.// Source: SCMP, 05 January 2017.